By Alexander Williams

Argument constitution - the trend of underlying relatives among a predicate and its dependents - is on the base of syntactic conception and the idea of the interface with semantics. This finished consultant explores the factors for thematic and event-structural decomposition, and its relation to constitution in syntax. It additionally discusses large styles within the linking of syntactic to semantic relatives, and comprises insightful case stories on passive and resultative structures. Semantically specific and syntactically neutral, with a cautious, interrogative technique, Williams clarifies notions of argument inside either lexicalist and nonlexicalist ways. perfect for college kids and researchers in syntactic and semantic conception, this creation contains: • A accomplished assessment of arguments in syntax and semantics • dialogue questions and proposals for extra examining • A thesaurus with invaluable definitions of keyword phrases.

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By definition, Composition[f, g] is equivalent to λx[f(g(x))]. For example, Composition[λy[3y], λx[x2 ]] is equivalent to λx[3(x2 )], the function which triples the square of any input number. Event semantics 41 As defined, these operations presuppose an objectivist semantics. Sets of pairs are objects outside the mind. But both operations have mentalist analogues. The objectivist’s function corresponds to the mentalist’s one-place mental concept, with the function mapping to true those things that fall under the mental concept.

For example, whenever (3) is true, so are (4) and (5); or at any rate let us presume that this is so, fixing our understanding of strike out in the context of baseball. (4) Cy threw a ball. (5) Ty held a bat. In such cases, where Y is true whenever X is, we can say that X entails Y. So (3) entails (4) and (5). They are therefore among its 4 On that matter it is helpful to consult, among others, Austin 1950, 1961, Searle 1980, Perry 1986, Bach 1994, Travis 1996, Stanley 2000, Borg 2004, Recanati 2004, Cappelen and Lepore 2005a, b, Burgess and Burgess 2011, and Pietroski, to appear a.

This is the set adumbrated in (36b). Since 3, 9 is in that set, Application of the function to 3 yields 9, as in (36c). (36) a λn[ n2 ] b { 1, 1 , 2, 4 , 3, 9 , . } c Application[ λn[n2 ] , 3 ] = 9 Next, suppose that the semantic value of won is the function named by the lambda expression in (37a). This pairs those who won with True and everything else with False. Suppose that this function is the set of pairs hinted at in (37b). Since Obama, True is in this set, Application of the won function to Obama (namely, Obama) yields True in (37c).

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